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During the recently concluded general elections in Thailand, Pita Limjaroenrat’s Move Forward Party (MFP) garnered 151 out of the 500 available seats in the House of Representatives, basing its election manifesto on progressive politics. The political turmoil which has followed has pivoted, to a certain extent, on the activities of the Pheu Thai Party, a political party backed by the Shinawatra family which came in second place with 141 seats. The results brought to light the nation’s tussle between progressive and conservative politics, where the former, presently finds itself in danger of being shunned. 

Following the announcement of the election results in May, Pheu Thai had announced that it was prepared to enter into a coalition with MFP. Fast forward to the end of July and one finds that MFP’s leader, Pita Limjaroenrat, has had much to deal with in terms of political pressures. Some of them include two rejections from Parliament (with regards to the post of Prime Minister), a publicized fight versus conservative defamation laws, doubtful coalitions and an elusive, but crucial, 375 votes in Parliament. Events since the elections in May have seen rumors being circulated that the MFP may well, eventually, find itself in the opposition camp. Added to the equation is Pheu Thai’s reluctance to openly oppose the ideals of the unelected Senate, wherein a majority has been unsympathetic towards MFP opposing Section 112 of the Criminal Code (also known as the lese majeste law), the title of the aforementioned defamation laws. 

Despite the average age of Thailand’s current voters being relatively old, MFP’s win confirmed that the nation’s public are prepared for a new-age, where political entities are no longer greatly influenced by the military and monarchy. It is questionable whether the prevailing political structure within Thailand will be able to accommodate, at the center, MFP, the party which won the most seats in Bangkok (a former stronghold of Pheu Thai). The 250 influential individuals who occupy the nation’s Senate are, according to the Constitution, allowed to partake in the vote to choose the Prime Minister and, apparently, most members of the association would like to see MFP in the opposition. The odds are firmly stacked against MFP when also considering that since 2006, elite groups, the Constitutional Court and the military have persistently backed the establishment.

What is commendable is MFP’s commitment to its well-publicized populist movement and attempts in engendering sweeping changes in the country. This dedication, being spearheaded by the promise to refine the lese majeste law, has also seen MFP strive to guide demilitarization and demonopolization and effect changes in areas such as the minimum wage, bureaucracy, human rights, environment and culture. In the words of MFP leader Parit Wacharasindhu, the party is making the necessary efforts to reassure the general public that a ‘better Thailand’ may be achieved in the future. In spite of MFP’s initiatives, it has seemingly miscalculated the priorities of Pheu Thai, the party which, since elections, has become central to proceedings. A recent announcement that former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra is set to make a comeback in Thailand’s political arena has led some to believe that while Pheu Thai will be part of an upcoming coalition, MFP may not. Political analysts reckon that Thaksin’s reintroduction will inevitably align conservative parties, which are particularly anti-MFP, with Pheu Thai.  

MFP’s political ambitions stand at a crossroads, where the party’s encouraging ideas have, as it seems, met with the entrenched ideals of an establishment. While MFP’s seat share in the House of Representatives will continue to inspire many in Thailand, it remains to be seen how Thailand’s political landscape engages with Pita Limjaroenrat’s party. 

Mohammad Nihad Nowsher, a research intern at Centre for Governance Studies